History Podcasts

Moshe Dayan - History

Moshe Dayan - History

Moshe Dayan

1915- 1981

Israeli Soldier/Politician

Moshe Dayan was born in 1915 on Kibbutz Degania, Israel. At an early age he joined the Haganah, the Jewish army in Palestine and in 1936, he joined Orde Wingate's special night squads.
Dayan was imprisoned by the British from 1939 to 1941 for possessing illegal weapons. He was released in 1941 to join special army units operating against the forces of Vichy France in Syria and Lebanon. Wounds sustained during a battle at the Litani River cost Dayan his left eye.

During Israel's War of Independence, Dayan held the rank of Lt. Colonel, and led the forces that captured Lod and Ramle. From 1953 to 1957, Dayan held the position of Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defense Forces. Dayan was the commander of the IDF during its victorious Sinai Campaign.

Several days before the outbreak of the Six Day War, Levi Eshkol, Israel's Prime Minister, bowed to public pressure and named Dayan Minister of Defense.

Dayan was responsible for formulating Israel's policy on the West Bank and Gaza after those areas were captured during the Six Day War in 1967. One of his most enduring policies was his decision to institute what became known as "open bridges": the free flow of people and merchandise across the Jordan River from the West Bank to Jordan.

Dayan was Minister of Defense during the Yom Kippur War, and many blamed him for the state of complacency that existed in Israel prior to the war.

Dayan was forced to resign after the publication of the "Agranot Commission Report on the Yom Kippur War." He joined the Likud government of Menachem Begin in 1977 as Foreign Minister. He was instrumental in formulating the Camp David Peace agreement with Egypt.


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Dayan: The First Family

M oshe Dayan, a black patch covering his left eye, was one of Israel’s most identifiable figures. An army general, a government minister and the scion of a Zionist pioneering clan, he was at once flamboyant and reserved. Dayan figures prominently in Anat Goren’s biopic, Dayan: The First Family, which will be screened online by the Toronto Jewish Film Festival on June 5, the 53rd anniversary of the Six Day War, during which Dayan was minister of defence.

Goren’s one-and-a-half hour documentary, steeped in nostalgic and grainy footage and photographs of early 20th century Palestine, is not really a primer in Dayan’s illustrious career or in the history of Zionist settlement, but rather an impressionistic picture of him and his extended family.

Moshe Dayan and David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, in the 1950s

Ruth, Dayan’s first wife, is interviewed, as are his children and an assortment of relatives, colleagues and employees. There is also a passing reference to his sister, Aviva, who committed suicide. Dayan appears in a few brief clips, and in one of them, he appears to glorify war. “I don’t know anything which is more exciting than war,” he tells a BBC reporter.

Moshe Dayan as a toddler

One can understand why he was so fixated on armed conflict. Born in 1915 in Degania, the first kibbutz, Dayan was a warrior. He fought with the Haganah, the militia of Palestine’s Jewish community. He was a commander during the 1948 War of Independence and the chief of staff of the armed forces from 1953 until 1958. After leaving the military, he was minister of agricultural. In the 1967 and 1973 wars, he served as minister of defence. Later, under the premiership of Menachem Begin, he was minister of foreign affairs.

Goren skims over the surface of his military and political career, focusing instead on personal issues, some of which reek of tabloid gossip.

Dayan’s father, Shmuel, immigrated to Ottoman Palestine from the Ukraine in 1908. Devorah, his mother, a Russian revolutionary who embraced Zionism, arrived several years later. The couple lived in Degania, a collective farming village adjacent to the Sea of Galilee, before moving to Nahalal, the first moshav, in the Jezreel Valley. After Israeli statehood, Shmuel turned to politics, serving at one point as deputy Speaker of the Knesset.

Not surprisingly, Goren, early in the movie, focuses her attention on Dayan’s emblematic eye patch. Forced to wear one after a bullet struck him during a battle in Syria in 1941, Dayan says the wound left him with a permanent headache.

Goren barely mentions Dayan’s contributions during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, but notes in passing that his brother, Zorik, was killed during that lengthy conflict.

Moshe and Ruth Dayan after their marriage

With gusto, Goren delves into Dayan’s extramarital affairs. His office secretary downplays his philandering, but his military secretary, Shlomo Gazit, acknowledges that his boss engaged in sexual escapades with young female soldiers. Dayan caused something of a scandal when he was found in bed with Hadassah Mohr, his best friend’s wife.

Ruth, whom Dayan divorced in 1971, disingenuously claims she “didn’t mind” his affairs. As she puts it, “Dayan belonged to all of us.” Later in the film, she calls her ex-husband “sick and crude, devoid of any human foundation.”

Moshe Dayan and his family

Uri Avnery, the late publisher of a racy left-wing newsmagazine, discloses that Dayan sent hooligans to beat him after he dated his daughter, Yael, a journalist and author.

Avnery describes the Dayan family as “completely dysfunctional,” claiming that Dayan was like a “stranger” in his own house.

Dayan’s appointment as minister of defence on the eve of the Six Day War buoyed morale, says Avnery. Yael, who appears to have been close to her father, says he “radiated leadership.”

In fact, the armed forces were prepared for the war by the chief of staff, General Yitzhak Rabin. “Dayan reaped the glory,” admits Gazit. In the same vein, Avnery says, “Dayan didn’t contribute a thing to the war.” Yet he concedes that Dayan inculcated a “spirit of victory” to Israeli troops waiting to be unleashed.

Goren’s disproportionate reliance on Avnery as an authoritative source is odd, given the surfeit of Israeli historians and journalists she could have interviewed.

Moshe Dayan in the West Bank after the 1967 Six Day War

Dayan catapulted to fame, becoming a household name in Israel and abroad, in the wake of the Six Day War, says his son, Assi. Yet Dayan was embarrassed by the adulation, he adds. Assi’s appraisal of his father’s personality is at a odds with accounts that he was a narcissist who craved recognition and applause.

It would appear that Dayan was a complex figure who could not be accurately summed up by a word, a phrase or a sentence.


Story of My Life


كعادتي بمناسبة شهر أكتوبر أفضل قراءة كتاب يتعلق بالحرب
وقررت أن يكون كتابا مترجما هذا العام
وإستقريت على هذا الكاتب لأحد صقور إسرائيل وأحد المؤسسين للكيان الصهيوني
برغم أن الكتاب أصلا سيرة ذاتية ولكن يمكن إعتباره عن الحرب كذلك
فحوالى تسعه أعشاره عن الحرب بدءً من عصابات الهاجاناه حتى حرب أكتوبر

قسم ديان الكتاب لثماني أبواب و40 فصلا :

الباب الأول
بدايات موشيه ديان يحكى الظروف المحيطة بولادته ولماذا سمى موشيه ومن أين جاء اسم ديان ولماذا هاجر أهله إلى فلسطين برغم أنهم لم يضطهدوا ف روسيا وكانت حياتهم طبيعي
كعادتي بمناسبة شهر أكتوبر أفضل قراءة كتاب يتعلق بالحرب
وقررت أن يكون كتابا مترجما هذا العام
وإستقريت على هذا الكاتب لأحد صقور إسرائيل وأحد المؤسسين للكيان الصهيوني
برغم أن الكتاب أصلا سيرة ذاتية ولكن يمكن إعتباره عن الحرب كذلك
فحوالى تسعه أعشاره عن الحرب بدءً من عصابات الهاجاناه حتى حرب أكتوبر

قسم ديان الكتاب لثماني أبواب و40 فصلا :

الباب الأول
بدايات موشيه ديان يحكى الظروف المحيطة بولادته ولماذا سمى موشيه ومن أين جاء اسم ديان ولماذا هاجر أهله إلى فلسطين برغم أنهم لم يضطهدوا ف روسيا وكانت حياتهم طبيعية !!
ثم كيف إنضم للهاجاناه ف ال14 من العمر و بررها كذبا بالدفاع عن القرى اليهودية ضد هجمات العرب المتوحشون وكيف منعت سلطات الإنتداب البريطاني أنشطه الهاجاناه بعد أن كانت تتعاون معها وزجت به وبرفاقه ف السجن
وبعد خروجه من السجن عمل كجندي إستخبارات في الجيش البريطاني أثناء الحرب العالمية الثانية وفقد عينه اليسرى فى إحدى المعارك التى خاضها في تلك الفترة

الباب الثاني
يتحدث فيه عن قيام دولة إسرائيل وعن الصعوبات الجمة التى واجهتتها
خاصة من الدول العربية التى لم تهدأ لهذا القرار
وقررت الدخول بجيوشها لطرد العصابات اليهودية و إبطال إعلان الدولة
وكون الفرقة 98 كوماندوز وخاض معاركها في صحراء النقب
ثم محادثاته مع عبد الله التل الذي كلفه ملك الأردن بشأن القدس

الباب الثالث
عين ديان رئيسا للأركان في الجيش الإسرائيلي وبهذا يكون صاحب القرار العسكري في العمليات الحربية
و كانت فرصة ذهبية للصهاينة عندماأمم عبد الناصر القناة وعقدت فرنسا النية على ضرب مصر و يحكي كم التعقيدات السياسية والعسكرية والإقتصادية الرهيبة التى صاحبت الموقف و إنتهت بإستيلاء إسرائيل على سيناء و إنسحابها منها بعد 4 أشهر ونصف تقريبا

الباب الرابع
أقصر فصول الكتاب لأن فيه
تخلى ديان عن مناصبه العسكرية وتحول لوزير الزراعة والري
أو إلى مواطن عادي كما يقول وكيف أنهم متطورون في الزراعة وطلبت دول عدة خاصة في إفريقيا التعاون معهم في هذا المجال
ولكن هل يبعد عن الحرب ؟
كلا !
لقد عمل مراسلا حربيا في فيتنام عام 1966 .
و رأى كيف يخوض الجيش الأمريكي المعارك ف الغابات وهى البيئة المختلفة تماما عن صحارى النقب وسيناء

Moshe Dayan was one of Israel&aposs greatest military heroes and political leaders.
He commanded the Israeli forces that won the Suez War of 1956, and directed the Israeli victory in the Six Day War forced on Israel by Arab nations in 1967.
Dayan served as the Israel Army Chief of Staff from 1953 to 1958, Minister of Agriculture from 1959 to 1964, and Minister of Defence from 1967 to 1974.
He was blamed, and reviled, by many Israelis for Israel&aposs disastrous lack of preparation before being attacked by Moshe Dayan was one of Israel's greatest military heroes and political leaders.
He commanded the Israeli forces that won the Suez War of 1956, and directed the Israeli victory in the Six Day War forced on Israel by Arab nations in 1967.
Dayan served as the Israel Army Chief of Staff from 1953 to 1958, Minister of Agriculture from 1959 to 1964, and Minister of Defence from 1967 to 1974.
He was blamed, and reviled, by many Israelis for Israel's disastrous lack of preparation before being attacked by Arab armies in the 1973 Yom Kippur War.

Here he discusses his life but particularly the wars of Israel's survival from the War of Independence to the Yom Kippur War and the resultant political fallout are described in detail. He begins by describing his kibbutz boyhood in Degania, Israel, and his early involvement in the Jewish defence militia in the then Palestine Mandate, the Haganah. Here we read about the ravages of pre-state Israel by the early Arab terrorist movement in the 1930s, the ruthless Kassimiya, named after terrorist pioneer Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, after which the murderous military wing of Hamas is today named. He discusses his imprisonment by the British authorities and his part in World War II in the a Jewish Palestine division of the British army after his release in 1941. Fighting in Lebanon and Syria against the Vichy French, where he lost his eye.
He describes his heroic role in the 1948 War of Independence. The Suez War and the diplomatic and political machinations behind it including the gross hypocrisy of the Soviets who had just raped Hungary and massacred it's people. Yet on November 5 1956, Soviet Premier Nikolai Bulganin sent rocket-rattling threats to the prime ministers of France , Britain and Israel. The dispatch to Ben-Gurion expressed Soviet Russia's 'unqualified condemnation of the criminal acts of the aggressors' against Egypt and demanded Israel stop the military operations at once and withdraw from Egyptian territory. The letter added that the 'whole of peace-loving humanity condemned Israel which was 'acting as an instrument of external imperialistic forces' Shades of the rhetoric of the leftwing media and universities today and a great foreshadow of their hypocrisy is it not?

During his account of the Yom Kippur War Dayan describes how the Soviet News Agency Tass actually gave a false version of reports that Israel had started the war! The anti-Israel media of today had mentors!
I think Dayan is too generous in his assessment of Henry Kissinger, who deliberately urged Nixon not to help Israel after she was attacked in 1973, saying the USA should 'let the Israelis bleed a little'. He also describes Golda Meir's popularity among American Jews, quite saddening to think of how liberal American Jews today have disgracefully abandoned Israel, out of fashionable expediency

Dayan shows his wisdom with statements like 'Dreams could be very pleasant but one had to live with reality'

He ends the autobiography by describing the vision of Israel, the eternal bond of Israel to the Jewish people, and the duty of Israelis to live up to the vision of a pioneering society and enjoy the fruits of the country's own labour 'A courageous state prepared to fight to the death to defend itself, a people of ideas and ideals striving to achieve its national historic purpose-the revival of the Jewish nation in it's homeland'.
The descriptions of military campaigns is a must read for any enthusiast of military history. . more

هذا الكتاب كعادة السير الذاتية يحاول كتابها تعظيم نفسه وغض الطرف عن أخطائه وقليلون هم من يتحلون بالشجاعة وأمام شخصية مثل موشيه ديان يعدها الإسرائيليون من الأبطال وبعيدًا عن أى عواطف تجاه الكيان الصهيوني لم أرى فى هذه السيرة ما يجعلنى أن اصفه بشجاعة الكلمة والصدق
هذه السيرة مليئة بالأكاذيب والتناقضات التى تفضح الصورة التى كان يحاول أن يرسمها موشيه ديان لنفسه وللكيان الذى ينتمى إليه وسط قليل من الحقائق كى يجعل البعض يظن أن الكذب لا يتم عن عمد

من هذه الأكاذيب روايته عن مشاجرة له مع صديق عربي ورغم ال هذا الكتاب كعادة السير الذاتية يحاول كتابها تعظيم نفسه وغض الطرف عن أخطائه وقليلون هم من يتحلون بالشجاعة وأمام شخصية مثل موشيه ديان يعدها الإسرائيليون من الأبطال وبعيدًا عن أى عواطف تجاه الكيان الصهيوني لم أرى فى هذه السيرة ما يجعلنى أن اصفه بشجاعة الكلمة والصدق
هذه السيرة مليئة بالأكاذيب والتناقضات التى تفضح الصورة التى كان يحاول أن يرسمها موشيه ديان لنفسه وللكيان الذى ينتمى إليه وسط قليل من الحقائق كى يجعل البعض يظن أن الكذب لا يتم عن عمد

من هذه الأكاذيب روايته عن مشاجرة له مع صديق عربي ورغم المشاجرة ونزوح الصديق العربي عن المنطقة التى استولى عليها اليهود وطردهم للبدو ومنعهم من الرعي وقيام الصديق بالإعتداء على ديان إلا أن قلب ديان الطيب لا يحمل له أى ضغينة!! وهو أمر لا يفعله الأسوياء فقليل من الغضب لا يضر الأصدقاء!

ومن الأكاذيب أيضا والتى لايجب أن تخرج من جنرال عسكري هو الإدعاء بقوة العرب خلال حرب 1948 التى أراها كانت أشبه بالمظاهرة العاطفية تجاه القضية الفلسطينية واتسمت الجيوش العربية بالضعف الناتج عن نقص الخبرة القتالية وأيضا وقوع تلك الدول للإحتلال الإنجليزي أو الفرنسي وهو ما وقف عائق تجاه بناء جيوش حديثة وهو نفس الحال فى حرب 1967 بالإضافة لعامل رئيسي لدينا نحن العرب وهو الخطاب الناصري العاطفي المنفصل عن واقع حال الجيش المصري واعتماد الرئيس جمال عبد الناصر على أهل الثقة دونًا عن أهل الخبرة والصراع على السلطة بين عبد الحكيم عامر وبينه وانعدام الخبرة والكفاءة التى تؤهل عبد الحكيم عامر لشغل أعلى منصب فى الجيش المصري وما زاد الطين بلة هو القرار غير المسئول الذى اتخذه عبد الحكيم عامر بالإنسحاب الفوري من سيناء دون خطة تكفل الحماية لقواته

ثم تأتي أكبر الأكاذيب التى يحاول الكيان الصهيوني الترويج لها هو أن انتصار مصر فى حرب كيبور 6 أكتوبر 1973 ليس حقيقيا وأن المغامرة التليفزيونية التى قام بها شارون والمسماة بالثغرة تثبت نجاح إسرائيل فى هزيمة مصر وهنا لا يوجد عاقل ينكر حدوث الثغرة لكن أيضا أن يتحدث جنرال عسكري ليوحي أن هذه الثغرة تثبت نجاح إسرئايل فى قلب طاولة الحرب يجعلنى أشك فى خبرته العسكرية ويثبت بما لايدع مجال للشك أنه كاذب فالثغرة لم تنفيها القيادة المصرية وخير مثال مذكرات المشير الجمسى عن حرب أكتوبر ومذكرات الفريق سعد الدين الشاذلى ومذكرات الرئيس الراحل محمد أنور السادات ومن خلال القراءات لهذه المذكرات وكذلك الأحاديث التليفزيونية لذكرى حرب 6 أكتوبر أن الثغرة كان يمكن احتوائها ولكن احتوائها كان سيكلف الجانبين الكثير من الخسائر البشرية والتى تستطيع مصر تحملها بعكس إسرائيل واستطيع أن أقول أن حدوث هذا الإحتواء وإنهاء تلك الثغرة كان سيكون بمثابة ماسادا جديدة لليهود وبكائية جديدة وحيث أن الرئيس الراحل محمد أنور السادات خاض حرب 1973 لكسر حالة اللاحرب واللاسلم ولدفع أمريكا للوقوف فى صف الحق العربي بعد أحاديث كسنجر وتلميحه بأن المنتصر هو من يملي شروطه واستراتيجة السادات كانت العبور من أجل الوقوف على أرض صلبة تجبر إسرائيل على الإنسحاب من الأراضي المحتلة عن طريق المفاوضات وفى حالة إنهاء الثغرة أو الماسادا كان يستحيل الجلوس على مائدة المفاوضات كما لا يغيب عن الأذهان الجسر الجوي الأمريكي ورعاية أمريكا الدائمة للكيان الصهيوني وأنها لن تقف موقف المتفرج حال قيام مصر بقتل القوات الإسرائيلية فى الثغرة

والأكاذيب لاتنتهى عندما يذكر خرق مصر لوقف إطلاق النار 452 مرة ودائما هى التى تبدأ وأعتقد إذا كتب بحدوث خروقات من كلا الجانبين كانت ستكون أقرب للواقعية ولاتكشف كذبه

ثم يتحدث عن الغضب الشعبي تجاهه بعد حرب كيبور 6 أكتوبر 1973 فى تناقض يثبت الكذب فالمنتصر لايقدم استقالاته مرتين أثناء القتال والمنتصر يقابله شعبه بحب وفخر وإجلال

فى النهاية هناك كثير عندى يحتاج إلى إجابات وخاصة الجانب السوري حيث نظريا ومن الواقع الجغرافي كانت سوريا هى التى تستطيع أن تهدد الداخل الإسرئيلي وكانت تستطيع أن تخفف العبء عن الجانب المصري لا العكس كما حدث من تطوير مصر الهجوم فى غياب حائط الصواريخ وهو ماجعلها تخسر الكثير من الدبابات بالإضافة لوجود تقارب سوفيتي سوري وسرعة الإستجابة لتسليحهم كانت أفضل من مصر

أخيرا من مستوطنة عوفيرا بشرم الشيخ أو ما يطلق عليها مساكن اليهود بشرم الشيخ حيث اسكن بها منذ عام 1987 كتبت هذه المراجعة
وهذا دليل آخر على من انتصر ) . more


Moshe Dayan: Hero AND VILLAIN of Jerusalem Day

Iconic photo of Defense Minister Moshe Dayan flanked by Chief of Staff Yitzchak Rabin and Uzi Narkiss taken in the Old City of Jerusalem shortly after its liberation.

Thursday evening, May 21 begins the annual day-long holiday of Yom Yerushalayim, which celebrates the reunification of Jerusalem during the Six-Day-War in 1967. Many people remember the picture of “hero” Moshe Dayan entering Jerusalem signaling the return of the “old city” of Jerusalem to the Jewish state. Moshe Dayan is recognized as the hero of the reunification of Jerusalem but left unspoken is the fact that he’s also the villain.

Jerusalem became the capital city of the Jewish people in the time of King David. David conquered it and made it the seat of his monarchy in approximately 1000 B.C.E. After the Romans conquered the city in 70 C.E., the Jewish people mourned the loss of the city and the site of the Holy Temple in the city for the next nineteen hundred years.

After Israel’s War of Independence in 1948, the Jewish State was control of the newer half of the Holy City. But on day three of the Six-Day-War Israeli forces were able to reunify their capital. Finally, after almost two millennia, the Jewish people were able to control the Temple Mount, the site of both of the Holy Temples… until Moshe Dayan took it upon himself to give control of the Temple Mount back to the Muslim Waqf under Jordanian control.

Made Defense Minister just before the start of the June 1967 War, Israel’s quick victory in the war made Dayan an international hero. But if it were not for the progressive hubris of the man considered to be the hero of Six-Day-War, the Kotel (Wailing Wall or Western Wall) in Jerusalem, and the Temple Mount would not be as divisive of an issue between Israel and its neighbors that they are today.

Jews were denied access to the Holy Sites in the Old City Jerusalem since when Jordan gained control of the “Old City” during the 1948 war.

During the intervening 19 years, the Jordanians waged systematic destruction, desecration, and looting of Jewish sites. But 53 years ago the I.D.F. liberated the Old City of Jerusalem, and Jews were allowed to approach the Temple Mount.

Even if you cannot understand the Hebrew in the short video below, you can appreciate the joy, and reverence as Jews approached the Temple mount for the first time since 1948.

It should be noted that despite what commentators and the mainstream media will tell you, the Kotel (the Wailing Wall) is not the holiest site in Judaism—it is the retaining wall for the most sacred site in Judaism, the Temple Mount. The Kotel is the closest place to the holiest spot for Jews that Jews are allowed to pray. Thanks in part to Moshe Dayan, Jews are not permitted to pray atop the Temple Mount (Christians aren’t allowed to pray either).

When Israel gained possession of the Temple compound during the Six-Day-War, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol wanted to create a multi-faith council to run the Temple Mount. The Muslim Mosque would not have been touched, but all faiths would be allowed up on top of the mount, and it would “belong” to all three religions.

Dayan didn’t like that idea. He thought the Temple Mount should remain in Muslim possession. In his biography, Dayan clearly stated that he was worried that Jews would try to rebuild the Beit Hamikdash (the Jewish Temple), and that was the last thing he wanted.

Of course, there was no way a third Temple would be built—well built then. By Jewish tradition, it won’t be built until the coming of the Moshiach (Messiah). And at that time it won’t matter.

But that didn’t stop Dayan. Like most progressives, he felt he knew better than anybody. He didn’t consult the Prime Minister or the Knesset, nor did the Israeli people have a say.

Found By the Southern Wall of the Temple Mount-From Second Temple Inscribed, “To the Place of Trumpeting.” The spot where the Priests blew the Shofar to announce the beginning and end of the Sabbath and Holidays.

Dayan took it upon himself, he “gave” control of the Temple Mount back to the Arabs because he wanted to make sure that there wouldn’t be a third Temple. And there was nothing that Prime Minister Eshkol could do about it, after all, Moshe Dayan, was a war hero.

The Jewish people have lost possession of the Temple Mount three times since King David purchased the site 30 centuries ago. Only once was the site given away voluntarily. That was when Moshe Dayan gave it away 53 years ago. Moshe Dayan should go down in history as the man who gave away the Temple Mount, providing the Palestinians the opportunity to make the site of the Holy Temple an Issue:

……….”It’s true,” [Knesset member Aryeh Eldad] said, “that the original sin was when the Jewish People, immediately after the Six Day War in 1967, ceded its hold on the Temple Mount in an unholy alliance between the Chief Rabbinate and Moshe Dayan – each side for its own reasons – but now the danger is that the Arab sovereignty on the Temple Mount will spill over to the Western Wall plaza, and from there to other places.”

Then-Defense Minister Dayan, just days after Israel’s liberation of the Old City, informed the Muslims running the Temple Mount that they could continue to run the mosques there – and later went further by preventing Jewish prayer all over the Mount.

“It was evident that if we did not prevent Jews from praying in what was now a mosque compound,” Dayan later wrote, “matters would get out of hand and lead to a religious clash… As an added precaution, I told the chief of staff to order the chief army chaplain to remove the branch office he had established in the building which adjoins the mosque compound.”

Since they control the Mount, the Muslim Waqf, “conducted illegal renovations on the Temple Mount and disposed of over 9,000 tons of dirt mixed with invaluable archaeological artifacts. Though Israeli antiquities law requires a salvage excavation before construction at archaeological sites, this illegal bulldozing destroyed innumerable artifacts: veritable treasures that would have provided a rare glimpse of the region’s rich history.” But the Waqf was trying to destroy any proof that there were Jewish Temples atop the mount.

A bronze coin bearing the face of Antiochus IV, the king whose edicts brought about the revolt of the Maccabees in 167 B.C.E. Discarded by the Muslim Waqf, found by the Temple Mount Sifting Project

Thankfully an organization called the Temple Mount Sifting Project has been going through the “dirt” for the past 20 years and has found incredible artifacts from both the first and second Temples.

The evening of May 21 until sunset the next day, Jews across the world will celebrate Yom Yerushalayim commemorating the day Jews once again had access to their holy sites in East Jerusalem. But Thanks to Moshe Dayan, the most sacred site in all of Judaism is off-limits. That is what Jews call a shanda (a shame).


Contents

Barsky was alone when he was shot by "Bedouin raiders". [5] [6]

Moshe Dayan, whose parents were members of the kibbutz, was named after Barsky. [7] Barsky had gone on a mule to obtain medicine from Menahemia for his friend and fellow kibbutz member, Shmuel Dayan. [8] When the mule returned without him, a search was undertaken and his body was discovered. [9]

According to the memoir of a fellow pioneering kibbutznik, "It wasn't until late that night that we found him, lying with a stick and a pair of shoes on his head: this was a sign of vengeance, it meant that in the fighting he had killed or wounded someone." [10] [11]

Barsky's father, a Zionist in Kiev (then in Tsarist Russia), wrote a letter to the kibbutz in which he urged, "that your spirit will not flag and that you will not retreat, God forbid!" But rather, "that the memory of my late son will bestow upon you strength and courage to withstand all the difficulties in this Holy endeavor until we realize our great ideal, for which my son has sacrificed his life and soul." [12] The letter was the focus of a 1914 speech by Chaim Weizmann, urging European Zionists – shaken by the murder – not to abandon hope of building a Jewish homeland in Palestine. [13] [14]

Shortly after Barsky's death, his brother immigrated to Palestine to join Dagania Aleph. [15]

Literary scholar Rachel Havrelock understands the memorialization of Barsky in the years shortly after his death as part of a Zionist narrative "in which peril lurks to the unknown east, and the Jordan serves as a line between danger and safety", and his death – he was understood as having killed one of his attackers – of "the image of the Jew in Bedouin eyes as soft and easily killed." [16]


Moshe Dayan Israeli General (1915-1981) – Brief Profile & History

Moshe Dayan Israeli General is the state of Israel&rsquos best-known and most influ¬ential &lsquosoldier. Forceful, charismatic, and readily recognizable, with his black eye patch, Dayan represents the struggles of the Israeli nation and the military to which the state owes its continued exis¬tence. From service first as a guerrilla warrior and then as a field commander in the 1948 War of Independence, Dayan became chief of the general staff in the 1956 War and defense minister in the Six-Day War of 1967.

Dayan&rsquos life and the establishment of Israel were intertwined from his birth, on May 20, 1915. The future leader was the first child born in the cooperative farm of Deganya, Palestine, near the Sea of Galilee, an area which was at that time a province of the Ot¬toman Empire. During his childhood, Dayan faced the hardships of farm life, compounded by harassment first from the Turks and later from the Arabs. At the age of fourteen, Dayan joined the Jew¬ish militia Haganah to defend his village. In the Haganah, Dayan received guerrilla training and experienced his first combat. Ex¬cept for a brief six-month visit to London in 1935, he remained in the midst of the periodic fighting.

In 1936, Dayan, now a sergeant, served with several regiments when the British in charge of policing Palestine authorized an at-tachment of Haganah personnel to act as guides and scouts. Al¬though basically unimpressed with the discipline and operational procedures of these units, Dayan did further his military education.

Dayan applied the lessons he learned from the British when he gained command of one of the Mobile Guards of Jewish Set¬tlement Police in 1937. The military techniques he employed as a sergeant were the same ones that would pay dividends as he con¬tinued to progress up through the ranks. Dayan detested routine and anything not directly related to combat readiness. He empha¬sized weapons marksmanship, advantageous use of terrain, and overall aggressiveness. During this time, Dayan also advanced his military knowledge while working for the British unconventional warfare leader Charles O. Wingate.

With the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the British ceased their support of the Haganah and ultimately outlawed the organi-zation. They arrested and imprisoned several of its leaders, in¬cluding Dayan, who received a five-year sentence. The British released Dayan in 1941, however, so that he could support their fight against German and Vichy opponents.

Dayan distinguished himself in several battles before being se¬riously wounded in June 1941, when a bullet struck the binoculars he was using to observe the enemy, driving glass and metal into his skull and destroying his left eye and surrounding socket Although some detractors later accused Dayan of self-dramatization because of the black eye patch, in reality he suffered so much bone and tis¬sue damage that nothing remained to support a glass eye.

At the end of the war, the Haganah grew to a force of thirty thousand and renewed its activities in an attempt to gain inde-pendence. When the British withdrew from the region, warfare in-creased between the Haganah and surrounding Arab states, who

Moshe Dayan swore to drive the Jewish combatants and their families into the sea. After the outbreak of the Jewish War of Independence, Dayan, now a major, took command of the Jordan Valley sector on May 18, 1948, and successfully defended his Deganya birthplace from a vastly numerically superior Syrian force. Appointed to. com¬mand the Eighty-ninth Battalion after his victory, Dayan followed no rules but his own as he began to recruit men and appropriate vehicles from other units. Within weeks Dayan gained the reputa¬tion as a gallant, imaginative leader by conducting raids against far superior Arab positions.

In August, Dayan, promoted to lieutenant colonel, began to display his skills as a statesman as well as a soldier when he partic-ipated in negotiations to end the war. By the conclusion of the conflict in 1949, Dayan wore the rank of major general in charge of the Southern Command at Beersheba.

During the postwar years, Dayan labored to organize a pro-fessional Israeli Defense Force (IDF) because Israel remained sur-rounded by enemies dedicated to destroying the country and its people. In 1953 Dayan became chief of staff of the IDF, and the entire Israeli military began to take on his personality.

Dayan rewarded performance and replaced many senior commanders with younger, more aggressive officers. He decreased the number of support units while increasing the strength of the infantry and armored forces. Dayan created an elite airborne unit and at the same time demanded that all other units maintain an eliteness of their own. From his subordinate commanders he re¬quired the continuation of any assigned mission until they had sustained at least 50 percent casualties. To his men, with whom he was immensely popular, he promised that the Israelis would leave be¬hind no wounded to enemy abuse.

In 1956, after deterioration of relations all across the Middle East, Dayan found the opportunity to put his army to the test. Without waiting for a formal declaration of war, Dayan committed his paratroopers to secure critical mountain passes and pressed his mechanized infantry and armor into a lightning attack toward Egypt. Bypassing strong points and refusing to engage in a decisive battle, Dayan defeated the Egyptians in eight short days. In Israel and around the world, the black-eye-patch general became the symbol of Jewish military proficiency.

Dayan left the military in 1958 to enter politics, but in 1967, shortly before the Six Daiy War, the Israeli government recalled him to active service as the minister of defense. Although his sub¬ordinates had already drawn up much of the battle plan, Dayan executed the offensive that included a preemptive air strike that destroyed the Egyptian air force on the ground on June 5. Not only did Dayan&rsquos command defeat the Egyptian land forces in less than a week they also captured the strategically critical Golan Heights from the Syrians.

Dayan&rsquos reputation soared after the Six-Day War, only to some¬what erode with the initial defeats inflicted by the surprise Egyp-tian attacks in October 1973 that produced unprecedented Israeli casualties. Although he eventually rallied the Israeli forces to vic¬tory, Dayan was criticized for his army&rsquos unpreparedness and re¬signed his post as defense minister following the war. Returning to politics, he served in various appointed and elected positions until his death on October 16, 1981, in Tel Aviv, at age sixty-six.

The achievements of Dayan are extensive yet simple: the state of Israel, despite wholesale enemies, continues to exist Dayan is re-markable not only for his feats but also for his innate abilities to train and lead men. His military education came not from acade¬mies or service school but from the kibbutz and the battlefield. Dayan&rsquos professional skills in training his army and his aggressive¬ness and flexibility on the battlefield made the IDF one of the world&rsquos most efficient, effective fighting forces of all time.


Moshe Dayan - History

Famous Quotes

Moshe Dayan stated his opinion regarding his anti-infiltration policy in the early 1950s:

"Using the moral yardstick mentioned by [Moshe Sharett], I must ask: Are [we justified] in opening fire on the [Palestinian] Arabs who cross [the border] to reap the crops they planted in our territory they, their women, and their children? Will this stand up to moral scrutiny . . .? We shoot at those from among the 200,000 hungry [Palestinian] Arabs who cross the line [to graze their flocks]---- will this stand up to moral review? Arabs cross to collect the grain that they left in the abandoned [term often used by Israelis to describe the ethnically cleansed] villages and we set mines for them and they go back without an arm or a leg. . . . [It may be that this] cannot pass review, but I know no other method of guarding the borders. then tomorrow the State of Israel will have no borders." (Righteous Victims, p. 275)

In the mid-1950s, Moshe Dayan was anxious to initiate a "preventive" war against Egypt to neutralize the modernization of its army, according to Moshe Sharett's diary:

"Moshe Dayan unfolded one plan after another for direct action. The first---what should be done to force open blockade of the Gulf of Eilat. A ship flying the Israeli flag should be sent, and if the Egyptians bomb it, we should bomb the Egyptian base from the air, or conquer Ras al-Naqb, or open our way south of Gaza Strip to the coast. There was a general uproar. I asked Moshe: Do you realize that this would mean war with Egypt?, he said: Of course." (Iron Wall, p. 105)

Moshe Dayan wrote in the 1955 regarding the collective punishments imposed on Palestinian civilian population by the Israeli Army:

"The only method that proved effective, not justified or moral but effective, when Arabs plant mines on our side [in retaliation]. If we try to search for the [particular] Arab [who planted mines], it has not value. But if we HARASS the nearby village . . . then the population there comes out against the [infiltrators] . . . and the Egyptian Government and the Transjordan Government are [driven] to prevent such incidents because their prestige is [assailed], as the Jews have opened fire, and they are unready to begin a war . . . the method of collective punishment so far has proved effective." (Righteous Victims, p. 275-276)

And in the 1950s he also stated on the same subject :

"We could not guard every water pipeline from being blown up and every tree from being uprooted. We could not prevent every murder of a worker in an orchard or a family in their beds. But it was in our power to set high price for our blood, a price too high for the [Palestinian] Arab community, the Arab army, or the Arab governments to think it worth paying. . . . It was in our power to cause the Arab governments to renounce 'the policy of strength' toward Israel by turning it into a demonstration of weakness." (Iron Wall, p. 103) The "too high" of a price Dayan is referring to is the collective punishment such as house demolition, uprooting trees, ..etc.

Moshe Dayan stated in an oration at the funeral of an Israeli farmer killed by a Palestinian Arab in April 1956:

". . . Let us not today fling accusation at the murderers. What cause have we to complain about their fierce hatred to us? For eight years now, they sit in their refugee camps in Gaza, and before their eyes we turn into our homestead the land and villages in which they and their forefathers have lived.

We should demand his blood not from the [Palestinian] Arabs of Gaza but from ourselves. . . . Let us make our reckoning today. We are a generation of settlers, and without the steel helmet and gun barrel, we shall not be able to plant a tree or build a house. . . . Let us not be afraid to see the hatred that accompanies and consumes the lives of hundreds of thousands of [Palestinian] Arabs who sit all around us and wait for the moment when their hands will be able to reach our blood." (Iron Wall, p. 101)

Moshe Dayan saw no need for American guarantees of Israel's security and strongly opposed America's conditions i.e. that Israel forswear territorial expansion and military retaliation. In an informal talk with the ambassadors to Washington, London, and Paris, Dayan describe military retaliations as a "life drug" to the Israel Army. First, it obliged the Arab governments to take drastic measures to protect their borders. Second, and this was the essence, it enabled the Israeli government to maintain a high degree of tension in the country and the army. Gideaon Rafael, also present at the meeting with Dayan, remarked to Moshe Sharett:

"This is how fascism began in Italy and Germany!" (Iron Wall, p. 133-134)

"All that is required is to find an officer, even a captain [later to be Sa'ed Haddad] would do, to win his heart or buy him with money to get him to agreed to declare himself the savior of the Maronite population. Then the Israeli army will enter Lebanon, occupy the necessary territory, create a Christian regime that will ally itself with Israel. The territory from Litani southward will be totally annexed to Israel, and everything will fall into place." (Iron Wall, p. 133-134)

It is worth noting that this adventure was implemented 25 years later during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1978 & 1982, which wrecked havoc in the area, more than 20,000 civilians were killed, and on top of that Israel had to withdraw with its tail between its legs in May 2000.

and on the same subject, he worked out the objectives of the war to be initiated with Egypt in 1956:

  • a) The basic solution to Israel's worsening security problem is the overthrow of Nasser's regime in Egypt. . .
  • b) In order to topple Nasser's regime, it is necessary to arrive at a decisive confrontation with Egypt at the earliest possible date. before the absorption of the Soviet arms in Egypt makes the operations too difficult or even impossible.
  • c) Supreme efforts must be made to acquire more arms and ammunitions until the date of the clash, but one thing must not be made dependent on the other.
  • d) Despite the above, this conception fundamentally rejects the idea of preventive war. A preventive war means an aggressive war initiated by Israel directly. . . . Israel cannot afford to stand against the entire world and be denounced as the aggressor. . . .
  • e) . Israel does not need to resort to provocation . . . Egypt itself supplies the provocations continually. Israel can make do with method of detonation----that is to say, to stand on its rights stubbornly and uncompromisingly and to react sharply to every Egyptian aggression. Such policy will in the end bring about an explosion. (Iron Wall, p. 142-143)

Who shall push who into the sea? Haifa's Palestinians are being loading onto ships out of their homes, April 1948

"[houses were destroyed] not in battle, but as punishment . . . and in order to CHASE AWAY the inhabitants . . . contrary to government policy." (Righteous Victims, p. 328)

In September 1967 Moshe Dayan told senior staff in the Israeli Occupation Army in the West Bank that some 200,000 Palestinian Arabs had left the West Bank and Gaza Strip:

"we must understand the motives and causes of the continued emigration of the [Palestinian] Arabs, from both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and not to undermine these causes after all, we want to create a new map." (Righteous Victims, p. 338)

And in November 1967, he was also quoted saying:

"We want [Palestinian] emigration, we want a normal standard of living, we want to encourage emigration according to a selective program." (Righteous Victims, p. 338)

And in July 14, 1968 at a meeting in his office, he said:

"The proposed policy [of raising the level of public service in the occupied territories] may clash with our intention to encourage emigration from both [Gaza] Strip and Judea and Samaria. Anyone who has practical ideas or proposal to encourage emigration----let him speak up. No idea or proposal is to be dismissed out of hand." (Righteous Victims, p. 339)

We next find Moshe Dayan addressing the Technion (Israel Institute of Technology), Haifa (as quoted in Ha'aretz, 4 April 1969). Dayan had no idea how much his statement has awakened thousands of sleeping horses who have dedicated themselves to proving him wrong:

"Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you because geography books no longer exist, not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahlal arose in the place of Mahlul Kibbutz Gvat in the place of Jibta Kibbutz Sarid in the place of Huneifis and Kefar Yehushu'a in the place of Tal al-Shuman. There is not one single place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population."

"Never mind that [when asked that Syrians initiated the war from the Golan Heights]. After all, I know how at least 80 percent of the clashes there started. In my opinion, more than 80 percent, but let's talk about 80 percent. It went this way: We would send a tractor to plough someplace where it wasn't possible to do anything, in the demilitarized area, and knew in advance that the Syrians would start to shoot. If they didn't shoot, we would tell the tractor to advance farther, until in the end Syrians would get annoyed and shoot. And then we would use artillery and later the air force also, and that's how it was. I did that, and Laskov and Chara [Zvi Tsur, Rabin's predecessor as chief of staff] did that, Yitzhak did that, but it seems to me that the person who most enjoyed these games was Dado [David Elzar, OC Northern Command, 1964-69]." (Iron Wall, p. 236-237)

Moshe Dayan once remarked "describing Israel's relationship with the United States":

"Our American friends offer us money, arms, and advice. We take the money, we take the arms, and we decline the advice." (Iron Wall, p. 316)

"There is no more Palestine. Finished . . ." (Iron Wall, p. 316)

and in April 1973 from the peaks of Massada he proclaimed a vision:

"a new State of Israel with broad frontiers, strong and solid, with the authority of the Israel Government extending from the Jordan [river] to the Suez Canal." (Iron Wall, p. 316)

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We are back where yan wanted us to be. Giveing back all the land taken in the 1967 war for peace.

If he had lived and accomplished what he wanted the US would likely not have experienced 9-11 and other terrorist acts. Israeli actions since 1967 are the root cause of terrorism there and here accoprding to all intelligence sources. The hould have had the guts to go against the Israeli lobby led by AIPAC has inordinate power in the USA.


This week in Jewish history | Moshe Dayan resigns from Israeli government

On 22 October 1979, Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan resigned from the Israeli government due to disagreements with Prime Minister Menachem Begin over Arab autonomy negotiations.

Dayan had been Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Forces at the time of the 1956 Suez Crisis, and Minister of Defense during the 1967 Six Day War.

Dayan’s resignation was prompted in part by his disagreement with Begin’s intention to assert Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank. In his resignation letter, Dayan stated, “It is no secret to you that I differ over the technique and the substance whereby the autonomy negotiations are being conducted.”

According to contemporaneous sources, Dayan had privately proposed negotiations on East Jerusalem and a withdrawal from the West Bank, two proposals that Begin rejected.

Begin replaced Dayan as foreign minister with the more hard-line Yitzhak Shamir, who had previously served as Speaker of the Knesset.

Dayan, who was first elected to the Knesset in 1959, died in Tel Aviv in 1981 after a battle with cancer. He was buried in Nahalal, the Northern moshav where he was raised.


Watch the video: Moshe Dayan: Iconic Military Leader. History of Israel Explained. Unpacked (January 2022).